When investigators conduct an interview, there are possible factors that can influence a questioned person’s responses. These responses can be influenced by the steps of the interview. These steps are part of the cognitive process and begin with a question asked by investigators, and the persons interpreting the question correctly. The person being interviewed then must retrieve the information from memory and construct an answer. During this process, respondents can form answers, edit the responses for social desirability, or shape responses to what they believe the investigator will find acceptable (Lord, Friday, & Brennan, 2005). These responses can be shaped by many factors. These factors can include the investigators’ sex, race, age, gender, and their perceived personality. A response might also be shaped by political beliefs, sexual behavior, and drug and alcohol abuse that the investigator might suggest or project during the interview (Lord, Friday, & Brennan, 2005). Two theories that criminologists and psychologists believe describe these steps of answer editing are the Social Attribution Theory and the Social Distance Model. Both describe the process of answer editing based on the investigator characteristics.
The Social Attribution Theory suggests that a respondent may modify their responses to meet the societal norms and expectations they perceive that the investigator has based off observable characteristics (Lord, Friday, & Brennan, 2005). This theory is built on the assumption that the investigator characteristics alone are sufficient to influence the behavior and the responses of those being interviewed (Fendrich, Johnson, Shaligram, & Wislar, 1999). For example, an interviewee would be less likely to discuss illegal substance abuse to an investigator who presents observable characteristics that maybe associated with a negative attitude toward drug abuse. The interviewee would withhold or alter their responses to make them more compatible with the perceived investigator’s values (Fendrich, Johnson, Shaligram, & Wislar, 1999).
Fendrich, Johnson, Shaligram, & Wislar (1999) conducted a study of interviews and subject effects on cocaine and marijuana use disclosure during questioning. The sample comprised of over 3,000 male juvenile arrestees. The juveniles were asked questions about their drug use, particularly marijuana and cocaine. If the juvenile disclosed that they had used either drug, interviewers then asked additional questions regarding the frequency and the last time of their use of the drug. Immediately following the interview, the juveniles were asked to submit to a urine test to confirm any statements. Fendrich, Johnson, Shaligram, & Wislar (1999) found that there was a diminished rate of disclosure that was related to the interviewers’ race; with the less disclosure to interviewers who were African-American. But in regards to marijuana reporting, there existed diminished rates of disclosure. This was attributed and related to the interviewers’ gender; with less disclosure to female interviewers (Fendrich, Johnson, Shaligram, & Wislar, 1999). The interviewers’ age also played a role in disclosure during the study. The juveniles of this study were less likely to disclose their drug use, marijuana and cocaine, to older interviewers (Fendrich, Johnson, Shaligram, & Wislar, 1999). This study also showed that the participants of this study were reluctant to disclose cocaine use but more willing to disclose marijuana use during questioning. Fendrich, Johnson, Shaligram, & Wislar (1999) showed that the less morally sensitive drug, marijuana, had a higher disclosure rate during questioning than its’ perceived more dangerous drug, cocaine, based on the interviewers characteristics. This study demonstrated that certain observable interviewer characteristics are associated with voluntary drug usage disclosure.
For law enforcement investigators, this study involving the Social Attribution Theory clearly shows that as soon as an investigator walks into a room to interview a person, the person already makes assumptions of the investigator and their perceived values. So what happens in situations involving morally sensitive topics that are discussed during an interview? Another theory as to how certain information of morally sensitive topics is disclosed to investigators can be attributed to the Social Distance Theory.
The Social Distance Theory is based on the idea that individuals may be hesitant to disclose personal information on sensitive topics, such as sexual behaviors and domestic violence due to the social stigma of the crime or the lack of connection between the investigator and interviewee. If an interviewee perceives that that an investigator has a negative stigma associated with a crime, the interviewee will be less likely to disclose it because they do not feel connected to the investigator. Perceived values that the investigator presents are interrelated with the level of stigma that an interviewee associates with a piece of information. Criminal behaviors are sensitive topics that are stigmatized and criminalized by mainstream society and by investigators in general (Golub, Johnson, Taylor, & Liberty, 2002). Sensitive behaviors such as drug use, sexual practices, and physical violence all have different levels of stigmas. This model states that a respondents’ willingness to disclose sensitive information depends on the social stigma they associate with it (Lord, Friday, & Brennan, 2005). This perceived stigma is based off the differences between the investigator and the interviewee. People tend to disclose more honestly and in greater detail to investigators whom they feel more emotionally comfortable (Catania, Binson, Canchola, Pollack, Hauck, & Coates, 1996). Interviewees edit their responses to the similarities and differences between themselves and the investigator asking questions. For example, if an investigator walks into a room and immediately tells someone they are questioning for child molestation, “child molesters are disgusting...how could anyone do such things to beautiful children”, the interviewee will probably never disclose any information because of the social stigma associated with the crime combined with the perceived values of the investigator. Investigators should be cognitive of stigmas during questioning. It should be noted that stigmas can also appear in an investigators non-verbal movements and gestures also. Something as simple as the nodding of your head in agreement or the look of disgust while the offender is talking could impact the probability of disclosure.
According to a study done by Goulb et al. (2002), individuals are more willing to disclose marijuana use, which is the least stigmatized of the illegal drugs, than recent use of crack cocaine. Goulb et al. (2002) attributed this finding to the social expectations and perceptions of marijuana usage versus crack cocaine usage. Goulb's (2002) theory has since been supported by other recent similar studies.
According to a study done by Goulb et al. (2002), individuals are more willing to disclose marijuana use, which is the least stigmatized of the illegal drugs, than recent use of crack cocaine. Goulb et al. (2002) attributed this finding to the social expectations and perceptions of marijuana usage versus crack cocaine usage. Goulb's (2002) theory has since been supported by other recent similar studies.
A study by Johnson, Fenrich, Shaligram, Garcy, & Gillespie (2000) measured telephone responses regarding lifetime drug disclosure of 3,714 survey participants in Illinois. This study determined that respondents’ reporting recent drug use is relative to interview situations characterized by very high respondent-interviewer similarity (Johnson, Fenrich, Shaligram, Garcy, & Gillespie, 2000). In other words, the closer the respondents felt to the interviewer, the more likely they are to disclose information. Johnson, Fenrich, Shaligram, Garcy, and Gillespie (2000) found that a person interviewed may react, consciously or not, to interviewers based on stereotypes and misperceptions. This should be an important issue for investigators to remember, since a person being interviewed might hold a bias against the investigator's race. This would make it less likely that the interviewee would form a “bond” with the investigator and disclose any information needed during a confession.
Catania, Binson, Canchola, Pollack, Hauck, and Coates (1996) conducted a study of 2,030 18-49 year old adults and asked them questions on sexual behavior. Participants were allowed to choose if they wanted a female or a male interviewer to disclose information about their sexual behavior. Catania et al. (1996) hypothesized that both males and females given the choice to pick the gender of their interviewer will lead to more personal disclosure of the interviewees, which reinforces the Social Distance Model. This study showed that female respondents choose to disclose personal sexual behavior to women, and were less likely to disclose sexual information to male interviewers. Male respondents choose both men and women interviewers, with a slight majority selecting female interviewers (Catania, Binson, Canchola, Pollack, Hauck, & Coates, 1996). This study showed that by making the respondents feel more in control by selecting the gender of their interviewer, there is a perceived decrease in question threat. This perceived decrease in question threat lead to more voluntary disclosures of answers regarding personal sexual behavior.
For investigators this study has provided very valuable information, especially for investigators working sex crimes. Women who are potential suspects in a sex crime might be more willing to disclose more information or feel more comfortable with a female investigator. Men who are potential suspects in a sex crime might be more comfortable to disclose more information to a male or a female. Based on the results of this study I would urge a male and a female investigator to enter the room initially together and see which one the suspect responds or interacts with. The investigator that the suspect has the most observed or preferred interaction with should be the investigator that is the lead during the interview. It should be noted that investigators should not be insulted if the offender connects with a different investigator than themselves.
For investigators this study has provided very valuable information, especially for investigators working sex crimes. Women who are potential suspects in a sex crime might be more willing to disclose more information or feel more comfortable with a female investigator. Men who are potential suspects in a sex crime might be more comfortable to disclose more information to a male or a female. Based on the results of this study I would urge a male and a female investigator to enter the room initially together and see which one the suspect responds or interacts with. The investigator that the suspect has the most observed or preferred interaction with should be the investigator that is the lead during the interview. It should be noted that investigators should not be insulted if the offender connects with a different investigator than themselves.
Investigators questioning possible suspects during an interview should be aware that everything they project and even who they are can determine the disclosure rate during an interview. Investigators should try to find the person that might best connect with the interviewee to be the lead interviewer in a criminal interview. Age, race, gender, and even perceived investigator values can influence how and how much a person might disclose in an interview. Investigators who are working major crimes like homicides, rapes, and child molestations might have a better success rate of disclosure if they attempt to connect with the interviewee and take the stigma away from the crime in question. By removing indicators of negative social stigma, the criminal act could be psychologically justified by the offender while in the process of disclosure. This process allows the criminal to justify or defend his criminal actions. While removing criminal and social stigmas from certain crimes can psychologically haunt investigators when "getting down on their level", it is a necessary interview tactic within policing that is very successful in obtaining criminal confessions.
REFERENCES
Catania, J., Binson, D., Canchola, J., Pollack, L., Hauck, W., & Coates, T. (1996). Effects of Interviewer Gender, Interviewer Choice, and Item Wording on Responses to Questions Concerning Sexual Behavior. Public Opinion Quarterly, 60,345-375.
Fendrich, M., Johnson, T., Shaligram, C., & Wislar, J. (1999). The Impact of Interviewer Characteristics on Drug Use Reporting by Male Juvenile Arrestees. Journal of Drug Issues, 29 (1), 37-58.
Johnson, T., Fendrich, M., Shaligram, C., Garcy, A., & Gillespie, S. (2000). An Evaluation of the Effects of Interviewer Characteristics in an RDD Telephone Survey of Drug Use. Journal of Drug Issues, 30, (1), 77-102.
Lord, V., Friday, P., & Brennan, P. (2005). The Effects of Interviewer Characteristics on Arrestees’ Responses to Drug-Related Questions. Applied Psychology in Criminal Justice, 1(1), 36-55.
